Business Cycle Report (July 28, 2022)

by Thomas Wash | PDF

The business cycle has a major impact on financial markets; recessions usually accompany bear markets in equities.  The intention of this report is to keep our readers apprised of the potential for recession, updated on a monthly basis.  Although it isn’t the final word on our views about recession, it is part of our process in signaling the potential for a downturn.

The Confluence Diffusion Index declined for the second consecutive month. The latest report showed that seven out of 11 benchmarks are in expansion territory. The diffusion index declined from +0.8789 to +0.6364 but remains well above the recession signal of +0.2500.

  • Heightened recession worries weighed on the financial indicators.
  • Tightening financial conditions and elevated inflation have led to production slowdowns.
  • Employment indicators suggest that the labor market is starting to loosen.

The chart above shows the Confluence Diffusion Index. It uses a three-month moving average of 11 leading indicators to track the state of the business cycle. The red line signals when the business cycle is headed toward a contraction, while the blue line signals when the business cycle is in recovery. The diffusion index currently provides about six months of lead time for a contraction and five months of lead time for recovery. Continue reading for an in-depth understanding of how the indicators are performing. At the end of the report, the Glossary of Charts describes each chart and its measures. In addition, a chart title listed in red indicates that the index is signaling recession.

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Weekly Energy Update (July 28, 2022)

by Bill O’Grady, Thomas Wash, and Patrick Fearon-Hernandez, CFA | PDF

It appears that oil prices are settling into a broad trading range between $125 and $95 per barrel.

(Source: Barchart.com)

Crude oil inventories fell 4.5 mb compared to a 1.5 mb draw forecast.  The SPR declined 5.6 mb, meaning the net draw was 10.1 mb.

In the details, U.S. crude oil production rose 0.2 mbpd to 12.1 mbpd.  Exports rose 0.8 mb, while imports fell 0.4 mbpd.  Refining activity declined 1.5% to 92.2% of capacity.

(Sources: DOE, CIM)

The above chart shows the seasonal pattern for crude oil inventories.  Clearly, this year is deviating from the normal path of commercial inventory levels.  Although it is rarely mentioned, the fact that we are not seeing the usual seasonal decline is a bearish factor for oil prices.

Since the SPR is being used, to some extent, as a buffer stock, we have constructed oil inventory charts incorporating both the SPR and commercial inventories.

Total stockpiles peaked in 2017 and are now at levels last seen in 2004.  Using total stocks since 2015, fair value is $103.88.

With so many crosscurrents in the oil markets, we are beginning to see some degree of normalization.  The inventory/EUR model suggests oil prices should be around $65 per barrel, so we are seeing about $30 of risk premium in the market.

Gasoline Demand

Last week, we noted that gasoline demand was weakening and that has been putting pressure on oil prices.  This week, we take a look at the number of licensed drivers in the U.S.

The data is annual, and the last available year is 2020 so we don’t know how this metric was affected by the pandemic.  On a trend basis, the number of drivers rose above trend in the early 1970s as baby boomers reached driving age.  As population growth slowed, the number of drivers fell steadily back to trend.  However, after the Great Financial Crisis, the number of drivers fell rapidly and has yet to recover.  It doesn’t appear to be the boomers.  In looking at the number of licensed drivers aged 65 and over, the growth rate is still 3% per year.  What we do find is that the number of drivers aged 29 years and younger declined over the past three years, falling 2.2% in 2020.  Social media might play a role, or the urbanization of younger households could play a role as well.

In observing the above chart, it again begs the question, “Why would anyone build additional refinery capacity if the number of drivers is falling below trend?”

 Market news:

Geopolitical news:

  • Although China is buying more Russian energy, its investments into Russia through the “belt and road” project have fallen to zero. Beijing is trying to avoid Russian sanctions.
  • One of the reasons given for President Biden’s trip to the Middle East was to reduce Chinese influence in the region. Washington fears that China is attempting to expand its footprint in the region as the U.S. slowly withdraws.  One area of interest for Beijing is Iraq.  However, China will have to navigate increasing intra-Shiite tensions.
  • Iran announced it has arrested suspected Mossad spies who were conspiring to attack Iran’s “sensitive” sites. This action occurs just as evidence appears to show that Iran’s nuclear program is expanding rapidly.
    • Iran’s foreign minister canceled a trip to the U.N. for meetings on nuclear non-proliferation. The IAEA wants Iran to turn on monitoring devices on its nuclear facilities; Iran has refused.
    • The last of the former administration’s nuclear negotiators has been replaced, reducing the odds that Iran will return to the 2015 JCPOA.
  • China and Australia have been at odds over pandemic policy. The PRC has retaliated against Australia by cutting imports.  But, as coal inventories fall, China may be forced to ease import bans on coal.
  • Cryptocurrencies have been used in cybercrime and sanctions evasion for some time. The Treasury Department is investigating whether a U.S. crypto exchange facilitated Iranian transactions in violation of sanctions.

Alternative energy/policy news:

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Asset Allocation Bi-Weekly – The Puzzle of the Labor Force (July 25, 2022)

by the Asset Allocation Committee | PDF

In the June 27 report, we discussed the idea that the FOMC may focus on reducing job openings rather than raising the unemployment rate as a way to ease labor-market tightness.   The consensus from the establishment survey portion of the June payroll report, which questions employers, was that hiring remained elevated.  The other part of the survey, the household survey, comes from households, and generates the unemployment rate among other statistics.  The household survey showed a decline in employment, but the unemployment rate held steady because the labor force fell by a similar amount.

Although the payroll survey is considered by most economists to be the most reliable data from the employment report, the unemployment rate, which compares employment to the labor force[1] from the household survey, garners the most public attention.   Our concern is that changes in demographics may lead to an unemployment rate that may not reflect a weakening labor market.

The chart above shows the percent of the “working age population” relative to the total population.  To capture the past 120 years of history, the Census Bureau includes 15-year-old citizens, which are not working in the modern economy.  But using this age ranges allows us to compare a longer history when these teens were more commonly part of the workforce.

The rise of immigration and improvements in infant mortality rates led to an increase in the working-age population into 1940.  Before this, restrictions on immigration which began in the mid-1920s, World War II, and the Great Depression all negatively affected birth rates. The “baby boom” after World War II ended initially led to a massive decline in the working-age population which started to reverse in 1960 when the first “boomers” born in 1946 began to enter the workforce age range.  The steady progression of baby boomers entering this age bracket led to a steady rise in the working-age population until it peaked in 2006.  Since 2006, the working-age population has been declining.  We have added a vertical line on the chart to differentiate between actual and the Census Bureau’s forecast.  The current and forecast data suggest the number of available workers could decline in the coming years.

How could this fate be avoided?  There are essentially three ways.  First, immigration could rise.  The political environment suggests that this is unlikely.  Second, increasing the number of workers in the prime-age category might boost the work force; currently 74.4% of those in the age category of 16-64 are actively participating in work.  Additional training, subsidized childcare, relocation assistance, and other policies might encourage higher rates of employment.  Third, encouraging older workers to continue working could also increase employment.  For the most part, the third tactic was mostly used until the pandemic.

But, since the pandemic, participation of those over 65 years-of-age has declined and is not showing signs of recovering.

So, how could a falling labor force lead policymakers astray?  To capture this issue, we have created an indicator that is the difference between the yearly change in CPI and the unemployment rate.  In modeling this indicator relative to the policy rate, it shows that the FOMC’s policy is still too easy.

The model suggests that the fed funds target should be 10.3%; such a rate is unfathomable.  We do note, however, that with the exceptions of 2006-07 and recessions, fed funds have been below the fitted rate this century.  Still, to move fed funds to the one standard error level (the lower parallel line on the deviation axis) would require a fed funds in the neighborhood of 7%.

To narrow the deviation, the unemployment rate needs to rise, and inflation needs to fall.  Inflation has remained stubbornly high but will likely start to decline at some point.  But as the above demographics suggest, it might take a sharp drop in employment to raise the unemployment rate in a world where the labor force isn’t likely to grow very fast.  The chart above highlights the dilemma.

The chart above measures the labor force relative to its peak.  A reading of one indicates a new peak in the labor force.  Note that in the early 1950s, when the working-age population was declining relative to the population as a whole, it was not uncommon for the labor force not to rise to the earlier peak in expansions.  But, as the working age population rose, new peaks became common.  The pandemic led to a massive decline in the labor force, and although it has steadily recovered it remains well below the earlier peak.  The forecast we created is based on the Bureau of Labor Statistics estimates of labor-force growth this decade.  Based on this forecast, we won’t make a new peak before mid-2024.  If a recession occurs before that point, an event that appears increasingly likely, we won’t make a new peak in this expansion, which is something we haven’t done since the early 1950s.  That factor will keep the unemployment rate lower than it otherwise would be and may lead the FOMC to tighten policy more than expected.

[1] Defined as those working and those unemployed but actively seeking employment.

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Weekly Energy Update (July 21, 2022)

by Bill O’Grady, Thomas Wash, and Patrick Fearon-Hernandez, CFA | PDF

It appears that oil prices are settling into a broad trading range between $125 and $95 per barrel.

(Source: Barchart.com)

Crude oil inventories fell 0.5 mb compared to a 1.0 mb draw forecast.  The SPR declined 5.0 mb, meaning the net draw was 5.5 mb.

In the details, U.S. crude oil production fell 0.1 mbpd to 11.9 mbpd.  Exports rose 0.7 mb, while imports fell 0.2 mbpd.  Refining activity declined 1.2% to 93.7% of capacity.

(Sources: DOE, CIM)

The above chart shows the seasonal pattern for crude oil inventories.  It is clear that this year is deviating from the normal path of commercial inventory levels.  Although it is rarely mentioned, the fact that we are not seeing the usual seasonal decline is a bearish factor for oil prices.

Since the SPR is being used, to some extent, as a buffer stock, we have constructed oil inventory charts incorporating both the SPR and commercial inventories.

Total stockpiles peaked in 2017 and are now at levels last seen in 2004.  Using total stocks since 2015, fair value is $102.12.

With so many crosscurrents in the oil markets, we are beginning to see some degree of normalization.  The inventory/EUR model suggests oil prices should be around $65 per barrel, so we are seeing about $35 of risk premium in the market.

Gasoline Demand

Gasoline demand has turned lower.  Although high prices may have been the culprit, gasoline demand was price insensitive for most of market history.  However, with the advent of work from home and increasing retirements, gasoline prices may have become more sensitive.

(Source:  EIA)

This easing of demand does appear to be lowering gasoline prices.

 

In observing the long-term history of gasoline demand, we note that by stripping out the monthly variation with a Hodrick-Prescott filter, it appears that underlying demand is weakening.

Gasoline demand rose strongly from the end of WWII into the mid-1970s, but the Iran-Iraq War’s price spike and its gasoline shortages led to a drop in demand that lasted about a decade.  Demand rose again in the early 1990s into the Great Financial Crisis, but since then demand has been mostly sideways.  This would suggest a secular change in gasoline demand is in place, which signals persistently weak demand.  Thus, the current slowdown may be part of a larger trend.

In observing the above demand chart, it does beg the question, “Why would anyone build additional refinery capacity if demand isn’t set to grow?”

 Market news:

Geopolitical news:

  • President Biden made it to the Middle East last week. The trip was a mixed bag of sorts.  On its face, the president was trying to normalize relations with a key ally, the KSA.    The U.S. has been concerned about Chinese and Russian encroachment in the region and is always worried about Iranian actions. The U.S. is working to support an Israeli/Gulf Nation coalition to contain Iran.  We note that Russian President Putin has been in the region this week, visiting Turkey and Iran. However, President Putin’s trip was prompted by high oil prices.  On that front, we doubt much will happen.  The consensus is growing that the Arab oil producers are near capacity.  Biden was warmly greeted in Israel and there was some movement to improve relations between Israel and the Arab Gulf states.  But the odds of getting appreciably more oil isn’t likely, despite comments suggesting otherwise.
  • The question of Russian oil continues to vex the West. Cutting off oil flows would reduce Russia’s income, but it is clear that Moscow is still finding buyers, many of whom are in Europe.  Russia has also rebalanced oil flows, sending more to China and India.  Simply put, there is little evidence to suggest sanctions have reduced Russia’s oil revenue.  The classic economic response to such a problem is to implement a tariff, which  would raise the price of Russian crude, making it less attractive to buyers.  Either Russia would be forced to stop selling crude to the tariff-implementing nations or would need to cut its price to world levels by the amount of the tariff, reducing Russia’s revenues.  Treasury Secretary Yellen offered up the tariff idea, but it went nowhere.  She then proposed a price cap. If a large enough group could come together, they could set a price that would reduce Russia’s revenue.  In theory, the price could be near marginal costs, which would make it reasonable to Russia to continue producing.  At first glance, this proposal seems wanting; after all, if a buyer could simply set the price, there is little need for markets.  However, there is a case to be made that if enough buyers participate, they could dictate a price.  Obviously, Russia could simply decide to stop selling oil, but that would be risky.  If wells are shut in, it’s not likely they will be restarted, and this action could lead to a permanent loss of global capacity.  In addition, Yellen is proposing a price that would not generate losses for Russia, so she claims they should accept it.
    • Interestingly enough, China, a key Russian ally, has not rejected the proposal outright.
    • So, what could go wrong? Such arrangements have been tried throughout history.  The U.S. had a scheme where oil had different prices depending on when it was produced; it simply led to regulation evasion.[2]  It’s not hard to see how Russia could game this arrangement.  Let’s say the price is $50 per barrel. Russia will sell you the oil at the price if you agree to sell something else to them below market prices, e.g., semiconductors.
    • Meanwhile, we are seeing energy flows adjust to sanctions. China is shifting oil imports to Russia, reducing flows from Saudi Arabia. Given the price difference, this makes sense.  Saudi extra light crude is trading at a nearly $40 per barrel premium to the Urals benchmark; prewar, this difference ran about $5 per barrel.  We have seen, in the past, that the Saudis would try to defend their market share in key markets. For example, in the late 1990s, the price war between Venezuela and Saudi Arabia was over the U.S. market.  We doubt such a conflict will emerge here for two reasons. First, the KSA is careful not to sour relations with Russia. Second, we don’t think the kingdom has the excess capacity to take such action.  In addition, it’s not just crude oil, as China is buying all types of energy from Russia.
    • One of the reasons the U.S. is so keen to set up this price-cap system is to try and thwart an EU proposal to deny Russian oil tankers’ insurance. Although China, Russia, India, or some other buyer could ensure the vessel, EU and British insurance firms provide 85% to 90% of all policies.  Some owners won’t sail without insurance from these sources and the Suez Canal Authority won’t accept any insurance other than EU or British policies.  The U.S. fears that if the EU plan goes through, Russian oil will become impossible to source and prices could soar.  The price cap is designed to postpone the insurance ban.
  • Libya Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh, wants to fire the head of the nation’s National Oil Company, Mustafa Sanalla. Libya has been rocked by civil war ever since a coalition of EU nations and the U.S. ousted Moammar Gaddafi.  The nation is currently divided, with both sides fighting over control of oil revenues.  This fight has led to insecure oil flows which occasionally reduces global supplies.

 Alternative energy/policy news:

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[1] This is part of a deal to end the blockade on Ukraine grain, but it is still uncertain if the blockade will actually be lifted.  The details are daunting as the waters around Odessa are heavily mined and it isn’t clear if Russia will allow NATO minesweepers to clear a shipping channel.  It’s also not obvious that Ukraine will trust the Russians to clear the mines either.

[2] Marc Rich was to be indicted for this and other embargo evasions with Iran.  He fled to Switzerland.

Keller Quarterly (July 2022)

Letter to Investors | PDF

The stock and bond markets continue to act as if a recession is imminent. “Why might a recession come upon us?” you might ask. “Isn’t the unemployment rate very low?” Yes, it is. While rising inflation has caused folks to defer purchases, the economy is still doing rather well. The markets are fearing recession because they’re worried the Fed will cause one. The Fed is obviously raising interest rates, specifically, the fed funds rate (which is the overnight money rate between banks). They’re doing this because they believe that, by doing so, they can reduce inflation. Unfortunately for the economy, they can only do that by reducing demand for economic goods to the point that prices come back down. That sounds like a recession, which is what probably would occur if they continued this activity.

As we pointed out in our April letter, the Fed thinks it can reduce inflation without causing a recession. Their track record isn’t very good. I like to use the analogy of trying to put a nail in a wall upon which to hang a picture. One should use a rather small tack hammer for this job, so that if you make a mistake, you won’t damage the wall. The Fed thinks it has a tack hammer; in reality, it has a sledgehammer. It might get the nail in the wall, but the chances the wall is damaged are high. This is what the financial markets are worried about. They’ve seen this situation before.

After hitting a low of 24.5% off its January high, the S&P 500 has risen a little and is hovering about 20% below its high as of this writing. This is normal behavior for a stock market anticipating a recession; it’s what I call a “cyclical bear market.” Should this scare us? No. The market is telling us that a recession is likely. If a recession occurs, its effects have been largely discounted by the market. If a recession does not occur, the market would begin a recovery. The sell-off improves the short-term risk/return probabilities for investors.

Long-term investors shouldn’t worry at all. Outstanding businesses with healthy balance sheets should ride out a recession quite well, even though their stock prices are also declining. In fact, many such businesses emerge from the recession in better shape because their weaker competitors may be damaged by the recession, helping the stronger businesses’ market power. Strong businesses can also often make smart acquisitions at good prices in times like these. It’s often that the strong get stronger during a recession.

How bad could a recession get? We doubt the recession, if we get one, becomes terribly deep like the 2008-09 recession. The reason is that consumers’ balance sheets are much stronger now than they were then. Likewise, the financial system’s balance sheets are in better shape, especially the banks. I don’t expect the sort of financial melt-down we had then. I would expect any such recession would only last about six months. Since the stock market tends to anticipate major economic moves by about six months, I wouldn’t be surprised to see it hit bottom and start back upward about the time the recession begins. Again, that would be rather normal stock market behavior.

“Normal!” one might exclaim, “What’s normal about a recession and a 20-30% decline in the stock market?” It’s true that recessions have typically come along about once a decade for the last thirty-plus years, but we think that’s going to change. Back in the “old days,” when I was a young stock analyst, recessions were expected to occur about every four years. And they did! In a rising inflation environment, the Fed is inclined to get out the sledgehammer every few years to stop inflation. They never completely killed inflation, but they did cause recessions on a regular basis. Investors became accustomed to cyclical stock market behavior as well as to rising inflation.

We pointed out last quarter how globalization, technology, and deregulation did much to depress inflation and keep the Fed quiet over the last several decades. Thus, recessions became more rare. As we have oft noted, globalization is receding along with deregulation. This means inflation will likely rise cycle to cycle, and those cycles will probably be shorter.

There are some advantages to growing old, though the list gets shorter every year. One advantage is that there isn’t much you haven’t seen before. Shorter cycles and rising inflation are examples. We’d like to see neither, but, as I like to say, “You don’t get to invest in the world you wish you had, rather you can only invest in the world you have.” If this is the world we have, so be it. It isn’t foreign to us.

We appreciate your confidence in us.

 

Gratefully,

Mark A. Keller, CFA
CEO and Chief Investment Officer

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Bi-Weekly Geopolitical Report – The Pandemic’s Impact on Inequality (July 18, 2022)

by Natalia Fields | PDF

During the global coronavirus pandemic that exploded globally in 2020, perhaps the most notable economic development was the effort by governments around the world to stop the spread of infections through lockdowns, while simultaneously trying to support incomes and economic activity via loose fiscal, monetary, and regulatory policies. Importantly, the pandemic struck just as concern about income and wealth inequality was increasing among economists and policymakers. This report discusses how the pandemic crisis and the government response to it might affect inequality going forward. As always, we conclude the report with a discussion of the implications for investors.

View the full report

Don’t miss the accompanying Geopolitical Podcast, available on our website and most podcast platforms: Apple | Spotify | Google

Weekly Energy Update (July 14, 2022)

by Bill O’Grady, Thomas Wash, and Patrick Fearon-Hernandez, CFA | PDF

Since early June, oil prices have fallen significantly, breaking the psychologically important point of $100 per barrel.  Technical support exists at $95 per barrel, so we will be watching to see if it holds.

(Source: Barchart.com)

Crude oil inventories rose 3.3 mb compared to a 1.5 mb draw forecast.  The SPR declined 6.9 mb, meaning the net draw was 3.6 mb.

In the details, U.S. crude oil production fell 0.1 mbpd to 12.0 mbpd.  Exports rose 0.4 mb, while imports fell 0.6 mbpd.  Refining activity rose 0.4% to 94.9% of capacity.

(Sources: DOE, CIM)

The above chart shows the seasonal pattern for crude oil inventories.  It is clear that this year is deviating from the normal path of commercial inventory levels.  Although it is rarely mentioned, the fact that we are not seeing the usual seasonal decline is a bearish factor for oil prices.

Since the SPR is being used, to some extent, as a buffer stock, we have constructed oil inventory charts incorporating both the SPR and commercial inventories.

Total stockpiles peaked in 2017 and are now at levels seen in 2004.  Using total stocks since 2015, fair value is $101.09.

With so many crosscurrents in the oil markets, we see some degree of normalization.  The inventory/EUR model suggests oil prices should be around $65 per barrel, so we are seeing about $35 of risk premium in the market.

Gasoline demand:

In general, gasoline demand is price inelastic, which is “econ talk” for demand being insensitive to price.  Since substitutes for gasoline are mostly non-existent, consumers trying to adapt to higher prices are left with other methods, such as carpooling, combining trips, or using public transportation.  Unfortunately, data on public transportation is only available through Q1.  However, the data does suggest that ridership is well below pre-pandemic levels.  In the long run, demand can fall if car owners shift to more fuel-efficient vehicles; the work-from-home movement may also lead to lower structural demand.

At the same time, gasoline demand is very elastic to economic growth; as growth slows, demand declines.  We are seeing clear evidence of weakening demand.

Seasonally, this is where we usually see peak demand.  The fact that demand is falling and that it is usually price insensitive likely argues that the economy is weakening.

 Market news:

 Geopolitical news:

It’s a big week in geopolitics and energy.

 Alternative energy/policy news:

  • The intelligence apparatus often tries to change policies in target nations. Authoritarian nations, given their control of the media, tend to have a “leg up” in the battle for opinion.  A good example of this recently is that China has been using social media to encourage environmental groups to oppose rare earths mining in the U.S. and Canada.  Although rare earths mining and processing is often environmentally “dirty,” it is also true that rare earths are critical in alternative energy production.  China dominates both mining and processing because it has been willing to absorb the environmental costs.[1]  However, as the West has realized its vulnerability in this area, there has been renewed interest in mining and processing rare earths outside of China.  Clearly, Beijing is trying to discourage such efforts.
  • Although nuclear power remains controversial, there are elements in the environmental community that realize it may be necessary to expand nuclear power to reduce carbon emissions. One especially attractive technology is molten salt reactors.  Not only are the facilities smaller, but they should also be safer.
  • One of the issues that concerns policymakers is that Russia and China are now at the forefront of nuclear reactor designs. The IEA estimates that nuclear power will need to double by 2050 to have any chance of reaching net zero emissions.
  • Thermal technology could also be used to store production from wind and solar power. Currently, utilities must carry traditional redundant capacity to wind and solar capacity due to the natural interruptions of these sources.  Having storage would remove that need and improve the economics of renewables.  Germany is currently building a similar facility to hold hot water.  Finland is experimenting with using geothermal techniques and sand to store power as well.
  • It is likely that carbon capture from the atmosphere will be required to have any chance of reaching climate goals. An Australian design suggests that solar power could be the key to creating the energy for carbon capture.
  • It is also likely that as global temperatures rise, nations and some large firms may try geoengineering to improve conditions. These technologies could have unexpected effects, and so the scientific community has been reluctant to aggressively pursue them.  But, as temperatures rise, so will the drive to make such investments.  However, given that we will likely see such techniques deployed, the US. government is starting to fund research in a bid to control their implementation.
  • Jet fuel made from bacteria may be more energy-dense that that from fossil fuels.

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[1] Lacking an effective tort bar is useful for such efforts.