Daily Comment (May 4, 2017)

by Bill O’Grady, Kaisa Stucke, and Thomas Wash

[Posted: 9:30 AM EDT] The Federal Reserve did just about what we expected; it did acknowledge Q1 economic weakness but expressed no serious concern about slowdown, suggesting that it isn’t all that concerned about future growth.  We note that fed funds futures are placing the odds of a 25 bps rate hike at the June meeting at 90%, up from the low 81% level before the meeting statement.  As long as economic data remains stable, it looks like a second hike is coming in June.

The House is planning to vote on a replacement bill for the ACA; the vote is expected to be close.  Usually, the leadership of the House won’t bring an important bill to a vote if they are not reasonably confident of the outcome.  If the bill passes, it probably won’t become law in its current form as it is highly unlikely the Senate will pass it without major changes.  However, if it fails to pass the House, it will be a defeat of sorts for the White House and perhaps raise concerns that the president is incapable of shepherding anything through Congress.  That outcome might undermine hopes of infrastructure spending and tax cuts.

SOS Tillerson gave a speech yesterday at the State Department laying out the administration’s vision for foreign policy.  He suggested that the U.S. has been “too accommodating” to emerging nations and allies and “things have gotten out of balance.”  We can see the logic of this statement.  The U.S. has been unusually generous for a hegemon on two fronts.  First, for the most part, we have single-handedly enforced peace in the world’s three “hot zones” of Europe, the Far East and the Middle East by putting troops and bases in these regions.  More importantly, we have taken over the security of Europe and Japan, removing the long-standing tensions that led to two world wars in Europe and the constant tensions between China and Japan.  We essentially did the same thing in the Middle East.  This policy has been quite costly in terms of “blood and treasure,” although we would argue that the costs were worth it since we didn’t fight WWIII.  However, without question, much of the world has enjoyed a “free ride” at the expense of American taxpayers and soldiers.

Second, the other element of hegemony has been to provide the reserve currency, which has led to persistent trade deficits and allowed a model of development designed to boost investment and exports, funded by domestic saving.  This topic is under discussion currently in our four-part Weekly Geopolitical Report series.  By being the global importer of last resort, we have bolstered global growth.  However, the cost to Americans has been a gutting of the middle class that has become clearly evident in the political turmoil observed over the past three elections.

What Tillerson didn’t do was explain how the “rebalancing” is going to occur.  Would it be through a reduction of the trade deficit by forcing foreign firms to source production in the U.S., sort of a “tribute” paid to America for access to the dollar?  Would it be by forcing allies to pay more for their own defense?  If allies pay more, can we still control them?  What if Germany rearms and decides to collect bad Greek debt by taking a few islands?

We can see the need for changes to American hegemonic policy.  However, a clear path isn’t obvious; in fact, it’s fraught with risk.  We are already seeing the results of “thawing” the frozen conflict in the Middle East.  The territorial integrities of both Syria and Iraq are mostly broken and we don’t know what will replace them.  Islamic State was the first attempt; that wasn’t such a great outcome.  An adjustment is necessary.  We believe the policies used since WWII have probably become politically impossible to maintain, but it isn’t known what can effectively replace those policies.  Until they are replaced, uncertainty will remain elevated.

U.S. crude oil inventories fell 0.9 mb compared to market expectations of a 3.3 mb draw.

This chart shows current crude oil inventories, both over the long term and the last decade.  We have added the estimated level of lease stocks to maintain the consistency of the data.  As the chart shows, inventories remain historically high but have started the seasonal withdrawal phase.  We also note that, as part of an Obama-era agreement, there was a 1.5 mb sale of oil out of the Strategic Petroleum Reserve.  This is part of a $375.4 mm sale (or 8.0 mb) done, in part, to pay for modernization of the SPR facilities.  International agreements require that OECD nations hold 90 days’ worth of imports in storage.  Due to falling imports, the current coverage is near 140 days.  Taking that into account, the draw would have been 2.4 mb, roughly in line with expectations.

As the seasonal chart below shows, inventories are near their seasonal peak and should begin falling as rising refinery operations lower stockpiles.  This week’s decline rise puts us further below normal.  Although inventories remain high, this seasonal level is consistent with July, meaning that we may be on the way to an easing of the inventory overhang.  Last year, we saw a 45 mb draw from the April peak.  Assuming a similar drop from this year’s peak of 566.5 mb at the end of March, we will end up at 520 mb by late September.  Assuming a $1.09 EUR and using the model discussed below, fair value is $44.15 for oil prices.  Thus, we would need to see a much larger drop to justify current prices.

(Source: DOE, CIM)

Based on inventories alone, oil prices are overvalued with the fair value price of $31.03.  Meanwhile, the EUR/WTI model generates a fair value of $41.57.  Together (which is a more sound methodology), fair value is $37.68, meaning that current prices are well above fair value.  To a great extent, it appears that the oil market has already discounted a drop in inventory levels and a weaker dollar.

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Daily Comment (May 3, 2017)

by Bill O’Grady, Kaisa Stucke, and Thomas Wash

[Posted: 9:30 AM EDT] It’s another quiet day in world markets, but the FOMC does conclude its meeting today and is widely expected to make no moves.  The item of interest will be the statement.  We expect it to acknowledge the recent slowdown, but we expect the weakness to be attributed to seasonal factors.  The Fed may not raise rates in June, but they won’t want to remove the possibility in today’s statement.  Although the FOMC did make strong efforts to prepare the financial markets for hikes in 2015 and 2016, the March increase was not signaled at the January meeting so the “teeing up” process may be becoming less of an issue.  Thus, a neutral statement does not necessarily mean that a rate hike won’t occur in June.  The area of greatest uncertainty will be any comments about the balance sheet.  We don’t expect too much to be said here, although we have less confidence in that prediction.  In other words, if there is going to be a surprise stemming from today’s meeting, it will likely come from discussions about normalizing the balance sheet.

Current expectations from fed funds futures put the likelihood of no change today at 87.7%.  The odds of a 25 bps hike in June are at 62.8% and have been rising over the past month.  Meanwhile, Eurodollar futures are still projecting a terminal rate of 1.75% for fed funds, well below the 3.00% projected by the dots plot.

(Source: Bloomberg)

This chart shows the implied three-month LIBOR rate from the Eurodollar futures market.  Based on the normal relationship between the three-month LIBOR rate and fed funds, we can say the futures markets have discounted a fed funds rate at the above forecast level in two years.  It is worth noting how rate projections jumped with the November elections.  If the Trump agenda fails to materialize, we could see this projected rate decline.

Auto sales have eased and are consolidating around the 17.5 mm unit level.

The 17.5 mm unit annualized level seems to be a peak in the data.  By itself, we are not overly concerned about auto sales.  The recovery since the Great Financial Crisis was likely to peak somewhere just above the 17.5 mm unit level and that is exactly what has occurred.  We see no major danger for the economy as long as sales remain above the 15.5 mm level.

However, one issue that does concern us is that automakers may have overestimated further growth as inventories are ballooning.

This chart shows inventory levels divided by sales times the number of selling days in a month.  We are currently exceeding 80 days of car sales on deal lots, well in excess of the long-term average of 61 days.  This inventory overhang is mostly dealt with in two ways; production cuts and price reductions.  The industry loathes to reduce prices because it signals to future buyers that they should wait for “deals.”  On the other hand, temporary plant closures can be costly.  Shutting down production lines and restarting them isn’t frictionless.  However, each summer, the auto industry traditionally slows production to prepare for the upcoming model year.  We would expect the shutdowns this summer to last longer than usual in an attempt to deal with excessive inventories.  We would also not be surprised to see the industry couple the summer shutdowns with more aggressive prices.  Thus, this summer, we could see a jump in initial claims as automakers lay off more workers to adjust inventory levels.  The BLS does attempt to account for this usual increase in claims in its seasonal adjustment process but these adjustments can be overwhelmed if the claims are higher than normal.

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Daily Comment (May 2, 2017)

by Bill O’Grady, Kaisa Stucke, and Thomas Wash

[Posted: 9:30 AM EDT] May Day is over and markets have reopened.  There wasn’t any market-moving news overnight, although there were some interesting items that provide some background for issues that will concern us in the coming months.  Here is a roundup:

China’s credit slowdown: Yesterday, we noted that China was lifting interest rates.  The rise in rates is part of a pattern we have seen since the Great Financial Crisis.  In this week’s WGR, we began a series on trade and introduced the balance identity, which is that the private investment/savings balance (I-S) plus the government balance (G-Tx) equals the trade balance (X-M).  The formal equation is as follows:

(I-S) + (G-Tx) = (M-X)

China’s development suppresses consumption.  This builds saving which is used to create productive capacity through investment.  Much of the saving went to boosting investment but China ran a trade surplus when I<S, as the above identity would suggest.  After the Great Financial Crisis, global demand wasn’t strong enough to maintain China’s policy structure.  To compensate, China boosted investment further and increased borrowing to pay for it.  We believe China has a serious problem with malinvestment and the cure is to reduce S by boosting consumption.  However, that would require a change in the structure of the economy that would harm the currently rich and powerful in China.  So, in the short term, China is simply recycling the excess saving at home by boosting capacity and likely creating unnecessary investment.[1]  In the longer run, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the “one belt, one road” expansion plan that Chairman Xi is promoting are likely attempts to create neo-colonial economic conditions in Asia that would allow China’s current development model to continue.  The simple fact is that China can have any growth level it likes as long as it has debt capacity.  The problem with debt capacity is that it is virtually impossible to determine in advance.  In other words, when creditors won’t accept your debt at any price, you have achieved debt capacity.  On occasion, we see Chinese leaders recoil from the rising debt levels and try to curtail borrowing.  This leads to slower growth, which is also unacceptable, and thus borrowing resumes.

(Source: Bloomberg)

This chart shows total social financing as a percentage of GDP; this debt is private sector only (household and corporate).  It is currently 216.4% of GDP.  Although U.S. debt is larger, at 232.5%, the growth rate is far less.  Since 2008, private sector debt/GDP is up 72.8% in China, while U.S. private sector debt/GDP has fallen 20.8% over the same time frame.  For safety, China should curtail its debt growth; however, it has to be willing to accept slower growth, which is clearly unpopular.

The two Trumps: We have argued that the president has two parts of the GOP coalition he needs to address.  The populist faction, represented by Steve Bannon, wants immigration restrictions, trade impediments, job support and regulatory protection.  The establishment wing, represented currently by Gary Cohn,[2] wants traditional GOP goals such as open trade and borders, smaller government and less regulation.  Clearly, the goals of these two groups are not compatible.  The president has been managing these two factions by vacillating policy “balloons” between the two groups.  So, yesterday, the president suggested he might support a large bank breakup proposal, perhaps a return of Glass-Steagall.  This would be something of an anathema to much of the establishment GOP.  He also floated a gasoline tax hike to pay for infrastructure, which might find support among the establishment but is opposed by the populists.  We do think that the president is mostly non-ideological.  He wants to “get things done” and be considered a “winner” and thus he is willing to support different policies to achieve his goals.  It’s unclear how this will work out, but investors should remember that this is a president who doesn’t appear to value consistency.

The Greeks get a deal: Greece’s creditors and the government reached a preliminary deal today that will allow the disbursement of €7.0 bn in funds to Athens.  In return, Greece will make further reforms to its labor and energy markets, along with pension cuts and tax increases.  It isn’t obvious to us that the Tsipras government can survive getting these changes through the Greek parliament.  However, there are vague promises that creditors may consider debt relief if Greece accepts the deal.  The IMF wants to see debt forgiven, arguing that Greece won’t be able to pay back its current burden.  Germany is willing to “extend and pretend” for longer.  We doubt any debt relief comes until after the German elections in September.  The good news for investors is that Greece won’t trigger a Eurozone crisis.

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[1] This article highlights the issue.  See: https://www.wsj.com/articles/china-looks-to-export-auto-overcapacity-on-slow-growth-world-1493627132.

[2] Although many others could fit this characterization, including Speaker Ryan.

Weekly Geopolitical Report – Reflections on Trade: Part I (May 1, 2017)

by Bill O’Grady

Donald Trump ran on a platform opposing free trade.  Although Congressional support for free trade has been waning for some time, the general consensus among economists is that free trade makes the economy more efficient and supports global stability.

However, the steady erosion of manufacturing jobs in the U.S. and the shrinking of the middle class[1] have called the consensus view into question.  It is clear that President Trump’s anti-trade rhetoric resonated with voters and was one of the factors that led to his election.

Since the election, there have been a number of assertions made about trade, both positive and negative, that appear to us to be only partially true and perhaps designed to support a particular position.  Trade can be negative for participants facing competition from abroad; for the overall economy, it does seem to bring more variety and lower prices.

In this multi-part report, we will offer several reflections on trade that we hope can provide some insight into how to use macroeconomics to judge the veracity of certain claims.  It is our goal to present a fair reading of economic theory that will help readers make sense of what the media reports.  This topic is worthy of a geopolitical report because American trade policy has been a critical element in how the U.S. manages its superpower role.  In Part I, we will lay out the basic macroeconomics of trade.  In Part II, we will discuss the impact of exchange rates and further examine the two models of economic development.  Part III will analyze the reserve currency’s effect on trade.  Part IV will look at some real world examples and conclude with market ramifications.

View the full report

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[1] https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/24/business/economy/middle-class-united-states-europe-pew.html?_r=0

Daily Comment (May 1, 2017)

by Bill O’Grady, Kaisa Stucke, and Thomas Wash

[Posted: 9:30 AM EDT] It’s May Day, the international labor day.  As noted above, a large number of financial markets are closed today, including China and most European markets.  Direct news flow is less than normal due to the closed markets.  Here are the items of note:

See you in September: Congressional negotiators reached an agreement to fund the government into autumn when the debt ceiling will be hit and a broader spending package will be required.  The vote is expected to be held early this week.  There is $12.5 bn of new military spending and $1.5 bn for border security, although no wall money was allocated.  The border spending only covers technology and repair to existing structures.  Democrats were able to spare spending for Planned Parenthood, money to pay for Medicaid for Puerto Rico and a modest $100 mm for opioid addition reduction.

China’s PMI data a bit soft: China’s PMI data came in a bit soft at 51.2.  We have been watching steadily tightening policy in China and this may be an early sign that policy is starting to “bite.”

(Source: Bloomberg)

This chart shows the overnight Shanghai LIBOR.  Since the January trough, rates are up just over 70 bps.  It is something of a surprise that policymakers are tightening policy into the October CPC meetings.  We have speculated that Chairman Xi wants to see a robust economy as he kicks off his second term.  The best explanation for tightening policy is growing concern over rising debt and non-performing loans.  China can achieve any growth it wants; it has an investment-driven growth model and so debt levels are the only constraints.  The problem with determining debt capacity is that it really can’t be established ex ante; it can only be established ex post.  In other words, the debt limit is discovered when a debt crisis occurs.  Until the crisis, no one really knows.  It is no great secret that China needs to change its model to drive growth from consumption.  The transition will (a) mean periods of lower growth, and (b) weaken the power of those who have benefited from the current investment model.

The FOMC meets on Wednesday: We don’t expect any policy changes.  This meeting doesn’t have a press conference and lately the central bank seems to reserve changes for meetings with such conferences.  We will be watching for signs that the FOMC is teeing up for a June rate hike, but a lack of signal doesn’t mean that a hike won’t come.  After all, there wasn’t anything in the January meeting statement that hinted at a March rise.  The financial markets might take the lack of signal as an indicator that a hike is not coming soon, which would probably be a mistake.  We do look for the Fed to acknowledge that some of the economic data has softened, but we also expect the committee to suggest that the slowing is temporary.

Matteo Renzi wins back party leadership: Renzi, the former PM of Italy, stepped down last year when he failed to pass political reform proposals.  He ran to lead the Democratic Party and won the leadership vote with 72% of the ballots cast.  Although Renzi is clearly popular within his party, the populist Five Star Movement continues to lead in the polls with 30% of the electorate.  Similar to the Netherlands, it isn’t clear whether the Five Star Movement can form a government as it’s possible no other party will work with it.  National elections are expected in February 2018; this may be the most risky election for the Eurozone in the next 12 months.

Other European elections: In France, Macron continues to hold a dominating lead.  The latest polls show 60% support for Macron compared to 40% for Le Pen.  Although there are still reasons to worry about Sunday’s election (e.g., preference falsification may be overstating Macron’s support; the wide margin may lead to complacency and a low turnout, which would help Le Pen), overcoming 20 points in less than a week would be unprecedented in modern Western elections.  As we noted last week, Truman overcame such differences but it took him about two months.  We would not be shocked to see a tighter final vote; 55% for Macron to 45% for Le Pen would be a likely outcome, but a Le Pen victory would be a shocker.  Meanwhile, in Germany, the recent gains by Socialist Party candidate Martin Schulz are evaporating as Merkel’s lead has widened by eight points to 37%.  The most likely outcome for forming a government remains a “grand coalition” of the Socialists and the Christian Democrats/Christian Social Union.  The Greens and the Left Party are unlikely coalition candidates and the Free Democrats, often a junior coalition partner for the CDU/CSU, probably won’t get enough votes to form a government.  Still, a Merkel win in September will be seen as good for markets.

Other items: Although the media focus continues around the 100-day mark for the Trump administration, we noted a couple of good weekend editorials.  The NYT carried an op-ed by R.R. Reno suggesting that the Reagan era is over and the GOP is rapidly becoming a nationalist party.[1]  This is a theme we have been discussing since 2014; the U.S. two-party system is one of forced coalitions and these coalitions are currently in flux.  The cosmopolitan elites, who have benefited from globalization and deregulation, are becoming less welcome in the evolving GOP.  We note a comment from The Hill that suggests the political obituaries for Steve Bannon were probably premature; economic nationalism has been a focus of the president’s recent speeches.[2]  The FT noted in a similar op-ed that Sen. Sanders (I-VT) is now the most popular politician in the U.S.[3]  Rana Foroohar notes that voter concerns are mostly economic.  She also notes the leadership of the Democrat Party is remarkably ignoring this trend.  We are reminded of the German sociologist Max Weber who made a distinction between class and status.  Class is determined by income and wealth, while status is the social group(s) to which one belongs.  Since Clinton, the Democrat Party has become less of a party of class and more of a party of status.  In other words, the party has focused on helping a status group’s power through regulation, which gives rise to its focus on racial and gender rights.  However, the Democrats have increasingly ignored class, becoming the party that supports technological disruption.  Status rights are important but, in the current environment, not as important as class.  Donald Trump is recreating the GOP into a working-class party, which may become uncomfortable for some elements of the business class currently in that party’s coalition.  We don’t know how this is going to shake out but it does appear the coalitions are shifting and what defines a Democrat or Republican in the coming years may be much different than what defines them currently.

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[1] https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/28/opinion/sunday/republicans-are-now-the-america-first-party.html (paywall)

[2] http://thehill.com/homenews/administration/330987-bannon-reasserts-influence-in-100-days-push

[3] https://www.ft.com/content/b34f5536-2c02-11e7-bc4b-5528796fe35c (paywall)

Asset Allocation Weekly (April 28, 2017)

by Asset Allocation Committee

Last week, we discussed the impact of reducing the size of the Federal Reserve’s balance sheet on stocks and bonds.  This week we will discuss the effects of QE on monetary policy.

The FOMC dropped rates to near zero by January 2009.  Although European central banks (including the ECB) have since taken policy rates below zero, in 2009, the “zero lower bound” was considered to be the lowest rates could fall.  Thus, when the Fed wanted to stimulate further, it felt it could not lower rates below zero.  The U.S. central bank was left with nothing but unconventional policy.  The two policy tools employed at this point were forward guidance and QE.  The former was a clear signal from the Fed that rates would be kept low for the foreseeable future.  The latter was the expansion of the balance sheet.

The problem was that it was difficult to determine how much stimulus these tools generated.  One attempt to answer this question came from the Atlanta FRB.  To estimate the impact of unconventional policy, Wu and Xia used the yield curve to measure the impact on borrowing rates.

Based on their analysis, QE and forward guidance were the equivalent of negative nominal rates of nearly -3.0%.  As tapering set in, the “shadow” rate rose rapidly.  The bank has discontinued calculating the rate, suggesting that once the fed funds target rate leaves the zero floor, the applicability of the shadow rate is reduced.  Essentially, they argue that once rates lift off the zero bound, the shadow fed funds rate is no longer applicable.

Using the shadow rate as a guide, we can get a feel for how much policy has tightened relative to earlier cycles.

This chart shows the effective fed funds rate from 1957 to 1982, the estimated and actual target from 1982 to 2009, the shadow rate (shaded in yellow on the chart) from 2009 to 2015 and a return to the target rate after 2015.  We have then calculated the trough and peak in fed funds tied to the end of each expansion from 1960 through 2008 along with the current cycle using the shadow rate.

(Source: Haver Analytics, CIM)

We have highlighted the current cycle in yellow and excluded it from the average.  To reach the average level that has preceded recessions in the past, the FOMC will need to make around seven more rate hikes of 25 bps.  Excluding the Volcker money-targeting regime years would reduce the average by roughly 125 bps, meaning that the Yellen Fed will be flirting with recession with only two more rate hikes.(Source: Haver Analytics, CIM)

We are quite concerned about this situation because of an unresolved policy debate.  It is unclear if QE stimulation is a function of the level or the change in the balance sheet.  If it’s the level, the balance sheet is quite large; however, if it’s the change that matters, then reducing the balance sheet could create unanticipated risks for the economy and markets.

The balance sheet, scaled to GDP, is off its all-time highs but, at 23.4%, is well above the pre-QE level of 5.8%.  If level is the key determinant of stimulus, then the FOMC can reduce the balance sheet substantially.  On the other hand, the Wu-Xia shadow rate seems to follow the yearly changes in the balance sheet.

Comments from Fed officials clearly signal that policymakers believe the level is the key indicator of stimulus; last week’s report, which compared equity markets to the level of the balance sheet, would support that contention.  However, as the above chart suggests, a case can be made that the change in the balance sheet has an impact as well.

By 2018, it is quite possible the FOMC will have raised rates by another 50 bps and will have started the process of reducing the balance sheet.  The latter policy could tighten monetary policy by an unknown amount.  And, as we noted above, excluding the early Volcker years, two rate hikes may be getting us closer to recession levels than generally believed if the shadow rate accurately represents the actual trough in the policy rate.  It should be remembered that forward guidance was part of the policy as well.  Simply indicating that hikes will occur in the future affects financial markets today.  Although this isn’t an immediate concern, it appears we are gliding into a period of enhanced risk by autumn.  Adding to this issue is that both Chair Yellen and Vice Chair Fischer are expected to leave the FOMC in January.  Depending on who President Trump appoints, we could have a change in the policy stance of the central bank.

We will be watching financial markets closely in the coming months to see how these issues we have raised over the past three weeks will affect the economy and financial markets.  Our concern is that policymakers and markets have never experienced a sustained drop in the Fed’s balance sheet; it may be innocuous or it may be a problem.  History will be of only modest use and thus the potential for a mistake will be elevated.

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Daily Comment (April 28, 2017)

by Bill O’Grady, Kaisa Stucke, and Thomas Wash

[Posted: 9:30 AM EDT] Markets were fairly quiet overnight.  The biggest mover was the EUR, which rose after Eurozone CPI came in at 1.9%, a bit higher than forecast.  The financial markets are starting to discount a reduction in stimulus from the ECB, although Draghi’s comments yesterday suggest he is pushing back against any idea that stimulus is about to be removed.  However, the ECB does not have a growth mandate; it is designed, like the Bundesbank, to focus on inflation and the exchange rate and so rising inflation should boost the likelihood that tapering will begin later this year.  Although we have been favorable toward the dollar for some time, further strength is based on much more tightening by the FOMC and fiscal stimulus in the form of tax cuts and infrastructure spending.  It is unclear if or when the fiscal actions will be forthcoming and so the dollar could become vulnerable to weakness in the coming months, especially if the ECB begins to withdraw stimulus.

Yesterday, the president suggested in media interviews that a conflict on the Korean peninsula is possible.  Although we don’t think such an event is imminent, we are watching developments closely.  Earlier this week, all 100 senators came to the White House for a classified briefing on North Korea.  Comments afterward were underwhelming, suggesting little new information was discussed.  The president did make some waves by suggesting the South Koreans should pay for the recent deployment of the THAAD missile system.  This has actually been an issue for years; on numerous occasions in the 1970s, Congressmen suggested that Germany should pay for U.S. soldiers stationed there.  The U.S. exercise of hegemony has generally been rather “light touch” compared to the British colonial system.  The U.S. used its own resources to freeze conflict zones in Europe, the Middle East and the Far East.  However, it has been argued that Nixon’s decision to exit the gold standard in 1971 and create a “dollar-Treasury” reserve standard effectively forces foreigners to partially fund the U.S. fiscal deficit through the process of holding Treasuries as part of the dollar reserve currency system.[1]

President Trump has been alluding to a more overt “billing” of allies for American security.  In last year’s 2017 Geopolitical Outlook, we described this as the “Malevolent Hegemon” model.  So far, he hasn’t made any radical moves but he has clearly signaled that they may be coming.  The erroneous reports earlier this week that the U.S. was pulling out of NAFTA would be an example of such malevolence.  At first, Trump was skeptical of NATO but that appears to have changed.  So far, the malevolent hegemon has been mostly bluster but that could change.

Perhaps the most effective way to address hegemonic concerns is through a weaker dollar.  The best path to a weaker dollar is probably a relatively dovish FOMC.  Given recent retirements and anticipated term expirations, President Trump could fill five of the seven governor positions.  We reported earlier that Randal Quarles was the expected selection for Vice Chair of supervision, but he may have hit a snag.  Fed rules require that no two Fed governors can come from the same Federal Reserve district.  Quarles appears to be from Utah, in the San Francisco district, which is currently represented by Chair Yellen.  CNBC reported earlier this week that Gary Cohn might be a candidate for the chair to replace Yellen, which might free Quarles to be appointed in early 2018 when Yellen is expected to step down.  However, in order for Cohn to ascend, who is from NY, Vice Chair Fischer would also need to resign.  This rule may force the administration to look into the “dark hinterlands” of the Midwest and Southwest for candidates.  Kevin Warsh and Thomas Hoenig were also mentioned in the article.  Warsh would probably be a moderate on policy but Hoenig is a notorious hawk.  Adding Hoenig to the board would likely be dollar bullish.

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[1] Hudson, M. (2003). Super Imperialism: The Origin and Fundamentals of U.S. World Dominance (2nd ed.). London, England and Sterling, VA: Pluto Press.  First edition published in 1972 by Holt, Rinehart and Winston.

Daily Comment (April 27, 2017)

by Bill O’Grady, Kaisa Stucke, and Thomas Wash

[Posted: 9:30 AM EDT] ECB President Draghi is speaking at the time of this writing.  Nothing has changed in terms of policy, but Draghi’s assessment of the economy is somewhat supportive, although still rather cautious.  Initially, forex markets took his comments as modestly dollar bearish.  However, in the Q&A, Draghi made it clear that no path of tapering has been decided which reversed dollar weakness.  Treasury yields have turned higher in the wake of his comments.  Overall, there wasn’t much to signal that the ECB will be tightening soon and so we are seeing a weakening of the EUR.

The White House sent a scare through the media last night by indicating that the U.S. is preparing to leave NAFTA, which would effectively kill the organization.  However, that leak was quashed; the president did indicate he wanted to renegotiate the treaty but that was his position during the campaign.  It is unclear what triggered the outburst, other than it may have been driven by the desire to make a splash for the 100-day mark.  On this topic, we are not going to make any further comments about the tax proposal until we see more detail and can assess its chances of passage.

U.S. crude oil inventories fell 3.6 mb compared to market expectations of a 1.9 mb draw.

This chart shows current crude oil inventories, both over the long term and the last decade.  We have added the estimated level of lease stocks to maintain the consistency of the data.  As the chart shows, inventories remain historically high.

As the seasonal chart below shows, inventories are near their seasonal peak and begin falling as rising refinery operations lower stockpiles.  This week’s decline puts us further below normal.  Although inventories remain high, this seasonal level is consistent with July, meaning that we may be on the way to an easing of the inventory overhang.  Last year, we saw a draw of roughly 45 mb from the April peak.  Assuming a similar drop from this year’s peak of 566.5 mb at the end of March, we will end up at 520 mb by late September.  Assuming a $1.09 EUR and using the model discussed below, fair value for oil prices is $44.15.  Thus, we would need to see a much larger drop to justify current prices.

(Source: DOE, CIM)

Based on inventories alone, oil prices are overvalued with the fair value price of $30.78.  Meanwhile, the EUR/WTI model generates a fair value of $41.25.  Together (which is a more sound methodology), fair value is $37.39, meaning that current prices are well above fair value.  To a great extent, it appears that the oil market has already discounted a drop in inventories and a weaker dollar.

A key factor lowering inventories is that refinery output is unusually strong.

(Source: DOE, CIM)

This chart shows the level of refinery utilization as a percentage of total capacity.  Last week’s data hit 94%, which is rather high for this time of year.  We do expect a good summer driving season as the economy isn’t in recession and consumer confidence is elevated.  Still, given that gasoline stockpiles are ample, we doubt this level of activity will rise much more from current levels.

On gasoline, relatively low prices should be supportive for consumption.

This chart shows the current average retail gasoline price divided into average hourly earnings for non-supervisory workers.  This tells us how many gallons a worker can purchase by working one hour.  The average since 1964 has been about 8.6 gallons per hour so the current price, relative to earnings, is not high enough to dampen consumption.

However, we do have concerns about gasoline consumption.

The blue line shows the monthly level of consumption, which is obviously sensitive to seasonal factors.  The red line is the 12-month moving average.  Note that the average began to strongly recover beginning in 2013 but we have been seeing evidence of slowing demand over the last quarter.  This slowing of consumption is worrisome given that prices are not unusually high, employment levels are rather strong and consumer confidence is elevated.  It is possible that we are seeing evidence of “peak demand” for the U.S.  From 1980 to 2006, with a couple of exceptions, gasoline consumption has steadily increased.  This may be due to demographic issues, such as a rising number of baby boomers driving less and millennials driving less as a lifestyle preference, meaning that the uptrend is permanently broken.  If that is the case, it’s going to be difficult to work off the U.S. oil inventory overhang unless we see a rise in exports.  Our position on oil is that we are in a trading range between $45 and $55 per barrel.

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Daily Comment (April 26, 2017)

by Bill O’Grady, Kaisa Stucke, and Thomas Wash

[Posted: 9:30 AM EDT] At 1:30 EDT, the White House is scheduled to release its tax proposal.  There is quite a bit of speculation about what we will get from this announcement.  Current “leaks” suggest a 15% tax rate for corporate taxes, including owner-operated firms, and a reduced rate for repatriation.  There is also talk about changing the code for individual taxes too, including a larger tax credit for child care and a higher standard deduction.  However, beyond the announcement effects, probably little comes from this.  Democrats won’t support it and it isn’t even likely that it would get enough GOP votes in the House due to the proposal’s lack of revenue offsets.  There will be talk of dynamic scoring to raise revenue but that will be a stretch.  Even using the tactic of reconciliation, which would eliminate the filibuster, is probably not possible because of the lack of revenue offsets.

There is great speculation that this is simply the opening salvo in a bargaining position.  We tend to agree with this stance.  So, if this is the opening position, what would need to happen in order to get a deal done?  First, it appears that a revenue raiser would be necessary.  The border adjustment tax (BAT) appears dead but it wouldn’t shock me to see it resurrected.  The BAT is controversial.  Retailers hate it; exporters cheer it.  But it would raise revenue.  However, it would also likely send the dollar higher.  The BAT won’t gain any support from the Democrats.  Although it’s a long shot, James Baker’s proposal of a carbon tax[1] coupled with a major cut in tax rates might gain support from the Democrats, but it would not be popular with non-establishment Republicans.  Of course, one could get the necessary offsets by cutting spending.  However, Congress is so divided that the only way to cut spending would be to use a sequester mechanism of across-the-board cuts.  Given the White House’s goal of boosting defense and leaving entitlements untouched, cuts will be difficult.

The takeaways from this opening proposal are the following:

  1. The White House isn’t concerned about expanding the deficit. Congress is concerned but the popularity of tax cuts may change the mood of the legislature into finding ways to live with the loss of revenue;
  2. It’s hard to see what the White House can do to get Democrats on board, although adjusting Social Security taxes might be an area of discussion.

This chart shows the share of tax liabilities paid by the lowest 20% of households.  Due to the earned income tax credit and other exemptions, the bottom 20% receive money from the income tax system, so tax cuts to this group are not meaningful.  On the other hand, this quintile pays 5.4% of the Social Insurance tax.  So, raising the cap on Social Security earnings might be an offset.

Any talk of cutting corporate taxes is bullish for equities and the dollar and bearish for Treasuries.  However, talk without a reasonable path to policy changes won’t have much of a lasting effect.  In other words, at some point a deal must be struck and market disappointment will rise without it.  For now, we will be watching this afternoon’s announcement with everyone else to see what is proposed.

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[1] https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/07/science/a-conservative-climate-solution-republican-group-calls-for-carbon-tax.html